## CHAPTER THE SECOND. THE LAST WAR

### Section I

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Viewed from the standpoint of a sane and ambitious social order, it is difficult to understand, and it would betedious to follow, the motives that plunged mankind into the war that fills the histories of the middle decades ofthe twentieth century.
It must always be remembered that the political structure of the world at that time was everywhere extraordinarilybehind the collective intelligence. That is the central fact of that history. For two hundred years there had been nogreat changes in political or legal methods and pretensions, the utmost change had been a certain shifting ofboundaries and slight readjustment of procedure, while in nearly every other aspect of life there had beenfundamental revolutions, gigantic releases, and an enormous enlargement of scope and outlook. The absurdities ofcourts and the indignities of representative parliamentary government, coupled with the opening of vast fields ofopportunity in other directions, had withdrawn the best intelligences more and more from public affairs. Theostensible governments of the world in the twentieth century were following in the wake of the ostensiblereligions. They were ceasing to command the services of any but second−rate men. After the middle of theeighteenth century there are no more great ecclesiastics upon the world's memory, after the opening of thetwentieth no more statesmen. Everywhere one finds an energetic, ambitious, short−sighted, common−place typein the seats of authority, blind to the new possibilities and litigiously reliant upon the traditions of the past.
Perhaps the most dangerous of those outworn traditions were the boundaries of the various 'sovereign states,' andthe conception of a general predominance in human affairs on the part of some one particular state. The memoryof the empires of Rome and Alexander squatted, an unlaid carnivorous ghost, in the human imagination−−it boredinto the human brain like some grisly parasite and filled it with disordered thoughts and violent impulses. Formore than a century the French system exhausted its vitality in belligerent convulsions, and then the infectionpassed to the German−speaking peoples who were the heart and centre of Europe, and from them onward to theSlavs. Later ages were to store and neglect the vast insane literature of this obsession, the intricate treaties, thesecret agreements, the infinite knowingness of the political writer, the cunning refusals to accept plain facts, thestrategic devices, the tactical manoeuvres, the records of mobilisations and counter−mobilisations. It ceased to becredible almost as soon as it ceased to happen, but in the very dawn of the new age their state craftsmen sat withtheir historical candles burning, and, in spite of strange, new reflections and unfamiliar lights and shadows, stillwrangling and planning to rearrange the maps of Europe and the world.
It was to become a matter for subtle inquiry how far the millions of men and women outside the world of thesespecialists sympathised and agreed with their portentous activities. One school of psychologists inclined tominimise this participation, but the balance of evidence goes to show that there were massive responses to thesesuggestions of the belligerent schemer. Primitive man had been a fiercely combative animal; innumerablegenerations had passed their lives in tribal warfare, and the weight of tradition, the example of history, the idealsof loyalty and devotion fell in easily enough with the incitements of the international mischief−maker. Thepolitical ideas of the common man were picked up haphazard, there was practically nothing in such education ashe was given that was ever intended to fit him for citizenship as such (that conception only appeared, indeed, withthe development of Modern State ideas), and it was therefore a comparatively easy matter to fill his vacant mindwith the sounds and fury of exasperated suspicion and national aggression.
For example, Barnet describes the London crowd as noisily patriotic when presently his battalion came up fromthe depot to London, to entrain for the French frontier. He tells of children and women and lads and old mencheering and shouting, of the streets and rows hung with the flags of the Allied Powers, of a real enthusiasm evenamong the destitute and unemployed. The Labour Bureaux were now partially transformed into enrolment offices,and were centres of hotly patriotic excitement. At every convenient place upon the line on either side of theChannel Tunnel there were enthusiastic spectators, and the feeling in the regiment, if a little stiffened anddarkened by grim anticipations, was none the less warlike.
But all this emotion was the fickle emotion of minds without established ideas; it was with most of them, Barnetsays, as it was with himself, a natural response to collective movement, and to martial sounds and colours, and the
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exhilarating challenge of vague dangers. And people had been so long oppressed by the threat of and preparationfor war that its arrival came with an effect of positive relief.